Ten Years of Blog Posts

February, 2023

Ten years ago I started writing this blog without expectation that it would be read by many people, because I did not distribute it through social media nor did I take comments or advertising.  I simply set out to write on a variety of current-affairs subjects centered around three different capital cities that I know well, with the intention that each of the posts would leave readers with something true, original, independent, constructive, and pragmatic.

Five hundred sixty-three blog posts later, the readership counter shows over 129,000 total views over the decade.  I don't know how many of those came from search engines and bots that wandered upon the posts unintentionally, but likely a lot.  And not all readers visited with good intent: law firms in student loan litigation once tracked what I wrote and (unsuccessfully) tried to use it to their advantage in court.  

Some individual posts have received many reads, others few.  Top readership last year reached 116 for a post explaining the success of a lawsuit against the Nebraska Environmental Trust.  But lower readership posts have barely reached double digits.  

I tried to set high standards in my first post in 2013, on the Philippine-American war.  I'm pleased that posts over the years have wound up as citations in academic articles and encyclopedias, most notably those about the remarkable but almost forgotten ecologist Edith Schwarz Clements.  (A longer version of those posts at UNL Digital Commons has received over a thousand downloads, from many countries.)

Posts on corruption in federal agencies, especially those explaining revolving doors between government and industry, have been quoted in law review journals.  I believe the posts contributed to the welcome demise of unscrupulous federal student loan servicers Navient (formerly Sallie Mae) and PHEAA.  

On occasion, I have sent posts directly to agencies, activists, and media with the hope of stimulating action.   Posts on scholarship displacement have contributed to outlawing deceitful financial aid packaging practices in a growing number of states.  One year there was a boomlet for my suggestion to replace the portrait of John C. Calhoun in the U.S  Senate reception room with one of George Norris, who was supposed to receive the honor decades ago but was blocked by his own fellow Nebraskans.  (That hasn't happened, but I'm not giving up.) 

Because of the pandemic, I've not been able in recent years to be in Berlin as much as I'd like.  German federal and state governments present issues worth exploring in depth.  The USA neglects the study of comparative government at its own peril, which is ironic in the case of Germany, a successful federal republic brought into being by far-sighted American leadership after WWII.  

Future blog posts may get into past events that are still relevant but will be lost to history if not documented, such as my last post on important moments in the expansion of special education in Nebraska.  I'd also like to share more genealogical research that extends well beyond my own family, especially about who was where in the Civil War and what they did, honorably or otherwise.  

Thank you, readers, whoever you are.  I am always delighted to hear from you, as I did not long ago from the grandson of a legendary Nebraska educator about whom I had written mostly (but not entirely) favorably.  He was grateful for the post as a welcome addition to his understanding of his notable grandfather.  

I am grateful to all readers over the years.  Again, thank you.  

 

History's Lessons for Nebraska Special Education

February, 2023

Lincoln — Nebraska's latest attempt to deal with complex public school funding and property taxation issues has unexpectedly brought about new and welcome discussions about increasing state tax support for schools' special education programs.   

Several parties, including the governor, see substantial increases as key to smoothing over other differences in state education aid formulas.  The governor has called for the state to pay 80% of local schools' special education costs, as set forth by statute but not funded at that level for decades.  Educators and local school board members have endorsed the increases.

The new discussions can benefit from a look back to 1974, when Nebraska enacted a forward-looking statute and made a major funding commitment to the education, at the local level, of children with special needs.  

Working in the state Budget Division at the time, I was a close observer of the passage, funding, and implementation of that legislation. 

Prior to 1974, children with disabilities were often sent to state residential institutions or hidden from sight, as opposed to their education being a responsibility of local school districts.  The federal government had not yet passed the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) of 1975, which guaranteed access to a free appropriate public education in the least restrictive environment to every child with a disability.

Credit for Nebraska's early leadership in focusing on local public schools' responsibility for special education goes mostly to two individuals, as I witnessed it.  

Jack Lamphere was director of special education at the Nebraska State Department of Education.  He envisioned placing responsibility for special needs children clearly with the local school district for appropriate placement, whether it was a program at the local school or elsewhere, with the state paying 90% of the cost, through the school.  The financing was important so that schools did not have an incentive to place children at state institutions rather than serving them locally.  

Dale Johnson of the state legislative fiscal office worked closely with Lamphere to refine the concept into legislative language and estimate its substantial costs accurately.  He kept both the legislature's Education and Appropriations committees advised of discussions.  Senator David Stahmer of Omaha introduced the legislative product as LB 403.  

I was brought into the discussions to assess the outlook for the legislation as seen by the executive branch, the support of which would be crucial for passage.  Jack Lamphere advised that support from the state Education Commissioner and the State Board of Education would be less than he hoped.  Dale Johnson concluded that support from Senator Jerome Warner, chair of the Education Committee, and from Senator Richard Marvel, chair of the Appropriations Committee, would not be forthcoming unless Governor J. James Exon made the first move to give it his endorsement.  

I thought highly of Lamphere and Johnson and the work they had done.  Their legislation was necessary to give school districts the right incentives to create and expand badly needed special education programs.  Although federal IDEA legislation was two years away, I agreed with them that Nebraska could lead the way and be ready if and when federal legislation was enacted.  

In early 1974, several of us met with Governor Exon in his corner office at the state capitol to discuss LB 403 and other budget-related issues.  My recollection has Norman Otto, Don Leuenberger, Stan Matzke, and John Jacobson also present.  I made the presentation on special education and the pros and cons of LB 403.  Governor Exon asked for my recommendation.  I said that although it had a big price tag, the needs were great and the legislation well-crafted.  

There was no dissent in the room.  Governor Exon waited momentarily for others to weigh in, then made his decision: "It's the right thing to do."  Later that year, LB 403 became law.  

The new law's implementation in 1975 was bumpy, to say the least.  Jack Lamphere left the Department of Education for a job with the Houston Public Schools in Texas.  Francis Colgan, inexperienced in administering state programs, replaced him with his own ideas on how the funding mechanisms should work.  With the support of Commissioner Cecil Stanley, who had never involved himself in understanding LB 403 incentives and was soon to retire, Colgan began to distribute LB 403 funds directly to schools as if the money were general state aid, not tied to special education, and directly to residential institutions, such as the state schools for the visually impaired and the deaf, without any effort between local schools and the institutions to draw up individual plans for the children's most appropriate placement.  

When the payment vouchers came to the Department of Administrative Services, they were delayed pending a determination by the state attorney general as to their legality.  Deputy attorney general Gerald Vitamvas and assistant attorney general Harold Mosher advised DAS that the Colgan vouchers could not be paid until they conformed to the new LB 403 statutory requirement that all the funds were to flow through the local schools in support of individualized education plans, regardless of where the plan was carried out.  

Francis Colgan did not back down and started lobbying state senators directly for his distribution scheme, which had the support of school superintendents who were eager to receive state money but did not want to recognize their responsibility for special needs children.  He also had support from the leaders of state residential institutions who feared losing their populations to the de-institutionalization movement of the times, of which LB 403 was a part.  

I witnessed one Colgan lobbying effort in front of senators in a legislative chamber.  He used an onion to explain that children have layers, like onions, and that everyone has special needs if we just uncover enough layers.  On that basis, he said he was justified in distributing special education funds as general state aid to schools, no strings attached, because everyone has some kind of limitation.  He said the special education money would make up for shortcomings in other state aid appropriations.  

Upon learning of the impasse, Governor Exon consulted with Gerald Whelan, newly elected lieutenant governor and recently chairman of the State Board of Education.  They offered to come to a meeting of the state board and its new commissioner, Anne Campbell, accompanied by assistant attorney general Harold Mosher, to clarify legal requirements for payment of the vouchers.  I also attended the meeting, which took place in Lincoln's old Cengas building, then the education department's headquarters. It was a bad start for the new commissioner, who had been poorly served by her predecessor, Cecil Stanley, and by Jack Lamphere's replacement, Francis Colgan.  The upshot of the meeting was that vouchers would be paid only on the condition that they followed the law, and those who wanted the new money but the old ways of dealing with special needs children were free to make their case to the next legislature to amend the law.  The governor made clear that he was pleased with the new law and expected the commissioner to carry it out.  

Francis Colgan soon found employment in another state.  A few statutory changes were made in subsequent years, but public schools gradually began to accept more responsibility for special needs children, prompted by parents who were enthusiastic about mainstreaming options rather than institutionalization.  LB 403 of 1974, overall, has been a huge success.  

State special education funding in 2023 has fallen to less than 50%, unfortunately, but this year may be the time for another boost.  The lessons of the past suggest that it is money well spent, but that it can get entangled with other agendas if state legislators and officials are not watchful.  

State officials must not repeat the mistakes of 1975 by confusing special education funding with other state aid, to the neglect of the population that is to benefit.  






Nebraska AG's Backfiring Lawsuit

January, 2023

Lincoln —  Is pressure building on the Nebraska attorney general to drop or settle Nebraska v. Biden, which seeks to undo the Biden Administration's student loan cancellation plan?  For Nebraska borrowers, the debt relief could total as much as $2 billion and help an estimated 200,000 or more individuals.  

But it is not only potential beneficiaries who are questioning the wisdom of the lawsuit.  New developments show serious concerns from conservative law professors, fiscal watchdogs, and businesses.   

In an amicus brief filed with the Supreme Court, Notre Dame professor Samuel Bray and University of Chicago professor William Baude, both notable conservatives, are advising the Court to deny Nebraska and other plaintiffs standing to sue, so that the Court does not sit "in constant judgment of every major executive action — which is not its constitutional role."

Meanwhile, an analysis by three University of Virginia economists shows who is benefitting from the lawsuit, which is keeping the pandemic-related student loan repayment pause in effect until the lawsuit is resolved:  "Our analysis shows the across-the-board pause on federal student loan payments disproportionately benefits the most affluent borrowers. Continuing the payment pause without means-testing its benefits leads to ballooning costs for taxpayers."

On January 18, a Nebraska-based major student loan servicer announced layoffs of 560 employees.  According to Business Insider:

The company confirmed in a statement that 350 of those employees were hired in the past six months after Biden announced up to $20,000 in debt relief to help with what was expected to be high call volume as the relief was implemented and student-loan payments were turned back on. But the debt relief has been blocked.... [T]he lack of work for those additional employees led to this decision.

This is surely not the way the Nebraska attorney general and his five fellow plaintiffs expected the lawsuit to unfold.  They originally fixated on challenging the president's emergency powers to cancel debt, but in so doing they are creating a constitutional issue regarding legal standing, extending a regressive and wasteful fiscal policy and, in the process, hurting their own economies and businesses.  

Ironies abound.  Nebraska has shot itself in both feet, even before considering how the debt relief would aid middle and low-income families to assist a sluggish Nebraska economy.  

Moreover, this week the U.S. Government Accountability Office released a report condemning the U.S. Department of Education for halting investigations of college misrepresentations (mostly by for-profit schools) during the Trump administration (no surprise there).  This has created even more dubious student loan debt that will have to be cancelled under "borrower defense" or other statutes.  

There is a way to settle the lawsuit quickly.  The Biden administration does not have to use emergency powers to cancel debt.  There is already statutory authority authorizing it.  Agreement and action on that point should satisfy the plaintiffs, allow the U.S. Department of Education and its loan servicers to get back to work, save taxpayers from wasteful spending on regressive policies, and avoid a constitutional crisis over standing.  

We should thank those who have come forward, consumer advocates and conservatives alike, to point out the folly of this lawsuit, a half-baked scheme that originated in a dark-money den — Koch-funded American Commitment — with scant to no input from Nebraska citizens and taxpayers. 

We should also thank in advance any media sources that explain these issues to Nebraskans, few of whom know anything about the lawsuit's huge consequences that hang in the balance.  


 

   




Don't Close the Books Yet on Governor Ricketts

January, 2023

Lincoln — Before the books are closed on the performance of Pete Ricketts as Nebraska's governor, a few entries should be re-assessed and fact-checked.  

The governor left office riding unexpectedly high, making the most of an adulatory article about his handling of the Covid pandemic, published by Politico in April, 2022.  The article, based on Politico's own constructed index, concluded that Nebraska's Covid record was "surprisingly" best in the nation.  It gave much credit to a previously obscure "Center for Operational Excellence" established by Ricketts in the Nebraska Department of Administrative Services.  

I worked in Nebraska state government for several years, when it was less partisan, and continue to be in touch with many who keep close tabs on it.  Before the article appeared, Ricketts got low marks for management, as might be expected of someone who had no previous experience in government or the military.  The departments under his control ("code" departments) lurched from one crisis to another — foster care collapse, prison riots, contracting errors, stolen drug evidence, attempted grants to political contributors, a major environmental disaster, and significant accounting lapses.  Not the stuff of "operational excellence," by any definition.

The glaring discrepancy has two good explanations:  (1) Politico's index is poorly conceived; (2) Nebraska's Covid outcomes are in spite of the governor, not because of him. 

• Politico's index curiously weighs factors such as Nebraska's low unemployment rate, which is largely unrelated to its Covid policies.  A more credible Covid ranking, created by The Commonwealth Fund in June, 2022, ranks Nebraska a less surprising 14th, behind other midwestern states Minnesota and Illinois but ahead of Iowa, Missouri, Kansas, and South Dakota.

• Politico's article, to its credit, explores how Nebraska's ranking may be due to leadership from sources other than the governor, namely the University of Nebraska Medical Center and public health directors in Douglas and Lancaster counties.  These leaders often disagreed with Ricketts' decisions and pushed for tougher anti-Covid measures, saving lives.  They did not mince words or send mixed signals about the value of vaccinations, for example, as did the governor.  Rural areas, Ricketts' political base, have had the worst Covid outcomes in the state.  

As Ricketts left office, he also repeated his mantra that government should be "run like a business."  But his record suggests the slogan, as he interprets it, means something other than close attention to departmental management.  Ricketts seldom deigned to get directly involved in code departments' crises, but distanced himself from them.  Witness the AltEn environmental calamity at Mead.  Ricketts was not a buck-stops-here kind of administrator. 

Where our former governor ran government most like a business was in financing and maneuvering candidates in state legislative elections, to put people obligated to him on his oversight body, as would any successful business baron with the wherewithal to choose his own board of directors.  Unfortunately, this way of doing business has seriously weakened Nebraska's constitutional checks and balances.  

Before the conclusions of the Politico article and Ricketts' superficially repaired reputation are etched in stone, their underlying premises need to be more carefully examined, lest the incoming governor thinks he has inherited a formula for success in governing.  What he actually has are many worsening problems that can only be resolved with a stronger hand at the administrative helm of state government.    



Nebraska Authors Diminished

January, 2023

Lincoln —  The reputations of two remarkable Nebraska writers are in decline, according to sources that surprisingly seem to welcome it.   

First, a group of Vermont librarians has removed the name of Dorothy Canfield Fisher from an annual book award on grounds that she may have had connections to the eugenics movement.  The evidence is totally unconvincing.  As to the book in which she is said to show eugenics sympathies — Bonfire —  it is, if anything, a refutation of eugenics: a main character of low birth exceeds all expectations.  No matter.  The award has been renamed.    

Now comes an unexpected swipe at Canfield Fisher's friend and renowned contemporary, Willa Cather, from a PBS News Hour report about a sculptor who is creating Cather's likeness for placement in the U.S. Capitol.  In an otherwise laudatory segment about Cather, viewers (about 2.7 million nightly) are suddenly told: 

"[I]n recent decades, critics have pointed out shortcomings in how she represented race."
"She was a woman of her time.  And she didn't represent Native American life well. She did not represent African American life well or frequently."

This is news to some of us who have read her novels and found them filled with respectful depictions of Native Americans, especially her novels set in the American southwest.  She was in awe of indigenous cultures and saw them as inspirations in Death Comes for the Archbishop and other works.  In Song of the Lark, Mexicans living in Colorado befriend and develop Thea Kronberg's musical talents.  In her final published novel, Sapphira and the Slave Girl, Cather devotes years of work to strip away all sentimentality for the institution of slavery.  Because she was a descendant of slaveowners herself, in her final chapter Cather inserts her real-life self as a five year old Virginian, so no one misses the point that slavery, for her, was not only an abomination but deeply personal.  

To me, Cather was decidedly not a "woman of her time."  In her time, notable novelists were avoiding these subjects entirely, or writing of them stereotypically.   

To be sure, a search for Cather critics turns up a few who find fault in her works on these topics, with reasonable foundation.  But they temper their words carefully so as not to put Cather into a category with bigots or racists, lest today's critics themselves, writing fashionably about race and ethnicity, someday be labeled "of their time."  

Would that PBS News Hour were as judicious with their millions of viewers.  

Bringing Order Out Of Chaos

January, 2023

Washington — After the chaos of the House speaker's election, the nation needs to see a demonstration that the House can pass meaningful legislation under its new leadership and new rules.  It needs quickly to bring an important bill through a standing committee, through the House Rules Committee, and pass it with a roll-call floor vote to send to the Senate.

Anything less invites suspicion that we are still facing insurrection in the Capitol.   

A good choice for the purpose is the restoration of bankruptcy rights for student loan borrowers, which has bipartisan, bicameral support.  It has backing across the ideological spectrum and from the chairman of the Federal Reserve.   Members of the House Freedom Caucus have voiced their favor.  Both houses have legislation for the purpose already drafted from last year. 

This is substantive legislation and a key step in resolving the nation's student loan mess.  Passage could be a factor in breaking the impasse over student loan cancellations, not only by providing another option for borrower relief, but especially by disincentivizing lenders and servicers, whose revenues depend on perpetuation of debt, from preying on the most vulnerable.   

The nation's media are focused on conflict, most notably over how to raise the federal debt ceiling in a few months, doubtless a profound problem.  Stoking conflict, however, is not what the nation needs right now.  We need an answer to the question of whether the Freedom Caucus is bent on bringing down the government, as sometimes seems the case, or actually making it work.  

Bankruptcy restoration legislation presents a rare opportunity not only to help resolve a policy issue, but to resolve procedural issues of the highest possible order.  


Identifying the Biggest Rural Losers

December, 2022

Washington — After the mid-term elections, which saw rural voters across the nation vote overwhelmingly for Republicans, a friend and colleague of mine asked pointed questions:

"Many people, especially Democrats, make the assumption that rural voters are only hurting themselves by voting Republican so consistently, but does actual evidence support it?   Can the relationship be graphed and if so, would presenting it make any difference to voters?"

So I went looking for answers.  A good baseline year, I thought, would be 1960, when rural areas were still well-populated with small farms, when agricultural policy under President Eisenhower followed much of the framework established in the New Deal by President Roosevelt, and when Democrats were competitive in rural areas in federal, state, and local elections.  The baseline should be well before President Nixon installed Earl Butz as Secretary of Agriculture, who set a new course* for farmers: "Get-big-or-get-out" and "plant fencerow-to-fencerow."  Many in rural America embraced the slogans and have been voting Republican ever since.  President Trump's Secretary of Agriculture, G.E. "Sonny" Perdue, phrased it this way: "In America, the big get bigger and the small go out."  The economic and health consequences of these Republican policies have been profound, as farm consolidations and rural depopulation have been proceeding accordingly.     

I have not found a study with a baseline that looks back to pre-Butz years, but an impressively rigorous, peer-reviewed work encompassing the last five presidential elections has recently been published.  Analyzing mortality rates, with an abundance of graphs, it concluded:

...Americans living in counties that voted Democratic during presidential elections from 2000 to 2016 experienced lower age adjusted mortality rates (AAMRs) than residents of counties that voted for a Republican candidate, and these patterns were consistent across subgroups (sex, race and ethnicity, urban-rural location). The gap in overall AAMR between Democratic and Republican counties increased more than sixfold from 2001 to 2019, driven primarily by changes in deaths due to heart disease, cancer, lower respiratory tract diseases, unintentional injuries, and suicide. These patterns were similar when we assessed mortality rates by state governor election results, with evidence of an increasing gap between Republican and Democratic voting areas over the study period.  

The authors suggest many causal factors to explain the relationships they found.  They did not look at rural population declines (as in "get out") as a direct factor, which should be explored in further research.  Closed hospitals aren't saving lives.  

The study ended before the Covid-19 pandemic began, which hit rural areas especially hard. Provocative headlines such as "How Many Republicans Died Because the GOP Turned Against Vaccines" suggest the trends will only worsen when new data are added. 

Rather than join a Democratic chorus saying rural Republicans are stupid for killing themselves, I think it's time to look at Democrats' own responsibility for the calamitous state of affairs.  

In the 1970s, Republican Senator Robert Dole and Democratic Senator George McGovern began a decades-long collaboration on rural policy in the Senate Agriculture Committee, through periodic iterations of the Farm Bill.  Dole's primary interest was production agriculture (farm subsidies), while McGovern's focus was nutrition (food stamps, school lunches).  Their combined efforts attracted the political support of rural Republicans and urban Democrats, which defused urban versus rural conflicts.  

Over the years, however, successor politicians came to simplify the tradition into a raw political understanding that Republicans set rural policy and Democrats are indulged on food stamps (SNAP) as a trade-off.  

What has been lost is that both Dole and McGovern had strong interests in the priorities of the other, and shaped legislation accordingly.  Dole was sincerely committed to nutrition, as was McGovern to farm supports.  Now the positions have hardened:  Republicans show little interest in SNAP other than to cut funding; many Democrats have lost interest in nutrition as well, devoting their efforts to ensuring that SNAP recipients can buy the same junk food as others do.  Worse, Democrats have lost interest in rural policy, often not campaigning for the rural vote, leaving rural America to its fate.  

Democrats may find satisfaction in shaking their heads at the reckless obtuseness of Republican voters, but Democrats have fared much worse politically under the trade-off.  They lost the presidency in 2016 and the House in 2022 to a failure to compete effectively in rural areas.  Republican politicians have won disproportionate political power by leveraging the rural vote.  

Meanwhile, rural Republican voters themselves have paid a disastrous price, many giving their very lives.  That's clear from any study of the conditions and the ongoing, downhill trends in rural America.   

Democrats bear some of the responsibility, to the extent they have given up on rural America.  A good way to own up to it would be to begin anew on the 2023 Farm Bill with no assumptions of political trade-offs.  Democrats must offer an aggressive set of proposals to address the ills of rural America and prepare to fight for them within the current structure of the Farm Bill.  (Don't know any?  Ask, and we'll provide you some, and lead you to others.) 

In other words, for the sake of everyone, blow up current misguided political expectations associated with the Farm Bill reauthorization.  And announce it now, through the highest levels of House and Senate elected leadership — looking at you, Hakeem Jeffries and Chuck Schumer. 

____________________________________________

*Ag policy writers Rosenberg and Stucki argue that Earl Butz was not a pivotal figure in that he did not inaugurate the programs his critics say he did, because they were well underway before he became Secretary, in part under Democratic auspices.  While this is a useful perspective, it was under Butz that corporate agriculture — Big Ag — completed a highly visible capture of federal ag policy and has never since loosened its grip.  Butz himself, who served on Big Ag corporate boards, was proud of it.  

 



 


      

The MOHELA Strategy and the Nebraska AG

December, 2022

Lincoln — Last week, I explained in the Nebraska Examiner why the Biden administration's student loan cancellations make good sense for the Nebraska economy and expressed displeasure that the Nebraska attorney general is trying to block the well-justified loan relief.  

The motivation of Nebraska's attorney general is now partially explained by reporter Michael Stratford of Politico.  The lawsuit was planned by Phil Kerpen, a political operative with close ties to Koch brothers' organizations, who determined that the Missouri student loan lender and servicer MOHELA might have hard-to-achieve legal standing to bring a lawsuit against the loan relief:

Seizing on the harm to loan servicers that work for the Education Department, like MOHELA, was “the best opportunity to bring a successful lawsuit,” said Phil Kerpen, a conservative political organizer who leads American Commitment and was an early proponent of the strategy and circulated the idea in conservative circles.

How that strategy was circulated to the Nebraska attorney general, with an explanation of why he should front for MOHELA's interests above those of his own Nebraska citizens, would make for a good freedom of information request.  For its part, MOHELA denies* communicating with the Missouri attorney general to file the lawsuit, but there are five other plaintiffs, led by Nebraska, that might have been the conduits to carry out the strategy, not to mention other go-between organizations in Kerper's network.  

MOHELA has a history of unsavory behavior, as described in federal and state audits of the quasi-governmental organization.  It built up wealth in the period 2003-2006 by making false claims against federal taxpayers in the tens of millions of dollars.  The Missouri state auditor has identified its federal "Special Allowance" revenues over the period, increasing from $16.2 million, to $21.8 million, to $51.2 million, to $101.1 million in the last year of the false claims.   

A Kearney & Company audit, under federal auspices in 2007, actually showed that the rapid increases in MOHELA revenues resulted from illegal manipulations of student loans among bond estates, in the hundreds of millions.**  

The Missouri state auditor explained what MOHELA did with the bonanza of revenues: spent lavishly on its executives and employees in salaries, bonuses, vacation time, retreats, automobiles, and no-bid contracts, much of which was decided in violation of open meeting requirements.  See the audit showing where the money was going: https://auditor.mo.gov/press/2007-56.htm.

MOHELA's behavior was not unique.  It was duplicated at other lenders and servicers, two of which (Navient and PHEAA) have now belatedly been terminated as federal contractors because of bad loan servicing.  But they still own federally guaranteed student loans and, if the Politico reporting is correct, are eager to see the MOHELA-based strategy succeed. 

The case Nebraska v. Biden should be dropped, or settled honorably.  It is headed to the U.S. Supreme Court on a course to waste money and make bad law, however it is decided. 

________________________________

* MOHELA, recipient of a huge new federal contract to take over the servicing of the Public Service Loan Forgiveness program from PHEAA, would not want to be seen conspiring with the Missouri attorney general to deny benefits to many of the same borrowers who were deceived by PHEAA, whose approach to loan servicing was to keep borrowers in debt in perpetuity, because that's how they made their money.   

** Available on request.  


Unfortunately, My Election Predictions Came True

December, 2022

Lincoln — It's time to match up my election predictions with reality.  Before the 2022 elections, I made two predictions.

The first prediction:   

Democrats will lose races they should have won.... Their failure to be competitive in culturally rural precincts will doom many of them.  It is not that they will lose in these areas, but that they will lose by such wide margins that they cannot make up for the losses elsewhere.  

I talked to two Nebraska congressional candidates about this, months before the election when they still had time to do something about it.  Tony Vargas, in the 2nd District, and Patty Pansing Brooks in the 1st, were both excellent candidates and each listened carefully, even though their purpose in calling me was fund-raising.   

Tony Vargas said he agreed on the importance of the rural areas and that he was going to make a special effort in Saunders County to cut the size of his expected loss there, as well as in the rural parts of Douglas and Sarpy Counties.  He quickly said, however, that he was going to win because of his large margins in North Omaha and particularly South Omaha. 

I replied that he needed to lose only 40-60 in the rural areas and anything exceeding that would result in a defeat.  Also, we discussed how Republicans were making a big effort, especially in South Omaha, to lose by less than expected.  

After the votes were counted, Tony Vargas won Douglas County by 52-48 but lost Saunders 25-75 and Sarpy 35-65.  Had he lost Saunders and Sarpy by 40-60, he would not have won as I predicted, but it would have been extremely close and he would have won had he been able to do slightly better in urban Omaha.  In other words, it was the Republican strategy to cut losses in South Omaha that worked better than the Democratic effort to cut losses in rural areas.  

Patty Pansing Brooks also agreed that cutting her losses in rural counties was important — I offered the 40-60 goal.  She said that she was searching for a way to reach it.   I said that showing up in those counties and listening was absolutely necessary, but she also needed a message that would resonate with rural voters.  She asked what I thought that could be, genuinely interested in getting campaign advice beyond the sources who seemed to be telling her that she could win by maximizing urban, pro-choice votes in Lancaster and Sarpy Counties.  

I said rural voters would respond to a candidate who was truthful with them about the failure of Republicans' get-big-or-get-out agriculture policy, how a half-century of it has depopulated rural Nebraska, closed schools, hospitals, and nursing homes, polluted soil and water, destroyed supply chains, and tragically increased rural deaths-of-despair to alarming levels.  And that she would try to reverse it, starting with bold and creative proposals in the 2023 Farm Bill.  She probed my advice on how to reach rural voters with several good questions, apparently because she had not heard this before from within her campaign and its supporters, either national or local.

Patty Pansing Brooks lost counties other than Lancaster by 29-71, dooming any hope that big wins in urban areas could pull out a win for her.  Even losing 40-60 in those counties would have left her about 13,000 votes short. 

The second prediction: 

[P]ost-campaign analysts and pundits will either blame other factors [for losses, beyond the failure to compete for the rural vote], such as not campaigning more ideologically to the left or to the right, or that it is impossible to compete for such votes anyway.  

Almost on cue, Nebraska Democrats started a public squabble about ideology after the election, with arguments about Democrats' campaigns being too far left on an ideological scale to win.   Of course that was the Republican argument, so it seems counterproductive for Democrats to concede it without pushback.  

But most voters aren't steeped in political theory and don't know right from left as much as they care about what's happening in their own lives.  What too many voters in culturally rural areas perceive is that Democrats don't care and have nothing to offer on any scale.  

Democrats have not helped themselves post-election by skipping over the heartland in their choices for House leadership posts.  Democrats are signaling that rural policy doesn't matter by demoting the Iowa caucuses in the 2024 presidential race.  Republican elected officials at federal and state levels are doing great damage to rural America, but Democrats have lost their voices, and it doesn't look as if they'll be getting them back soon.  

I wish my predictions had been wrong.  Tony Vargas and Patty Pansing Brooks are experienced state senators, outstanding persons and candidates, and one or both should be in Congress.  If only national Democratic leaders cared more about rural collapses, across many states, Democrats would have a sizable House majority. 

Nebraska v. Biden: The Amici Briefs

December, 2022

Lincoln —  There are many good reasons why Nebraska should drop its lawsuit against the Biden administration's student loan cancellations.  No court has yet agreed that Nebraska has standing to sue, and now comes the news that Nebraska's economy is headed into decline in 2023.  

A move by Nebraska leadership to withdraw the lawsuit would be a huge help to the Nebraska economy, a boost of billions of dollars in increased capacity for over two hundred thousand Nebraska borrowers to grow in-state roots, households, and families.  

This unavoidable point is being raised in one of several new amici curiae briefs presented to the U.S. Supreme Court.  A coalition of 21 amici writes:

Without cancellation, a borrower’s ability to pay for basic necessities, invest in affordable housing, or buy items like a car will be minimal; in contrast, cancellation allows borrowers to save for a down payment or make larger purchases. In turn, these purchases put money into the economy and provide more tax revenue to the Plaintiff States.   [Emphasis added]

These revenue benefits to the plaintiff states are more than enough for the Supreme Court to throw the case out for lack of any plaintiff''s standing.  The court may see this as an opportunity to signal potential state government plaintiffs, everywhere, that speculative, circuitous arguments about irreparable harm, merely to challenge policies states don't like — or want to politicize — will not be sufficient to upend decades of jurisprudence on requirements for standing.   

Another amici brief, from law school deans and constitutional lawyers across the country, pushed back against the idea that the Department of Education's cancellations raise "major questions" beyond what is already authorized by statute, as if the case were similar to what the high court recently determined on major questions in EPA v. West Virginia.  The constitutional scholars write:

The Department is not asserting jurisdiction over matters not previously within its purview or trying to regulate topics Congress never assigned to it; it is acting in the center of its statutory authority. The Secretary’s HEROES Act waiver and modification authority falls squarely within the responsibilities Congress has vested in the Secretary. For example, in tasking the Department of Education with carrying out the purposes of the federal student loan programs, Congress already authorized the Secretary to modify “any . . . provision of any note evidencing a loan” made under Title IV and to “compromise, waive, or release any right, title, claim, lien, or demand,” among other powers. 20 U.S.C. § 1087hh(1)-(2). Given that Congress expressly authorized the Secretary to modify, compromise, or release federal student loan debt, the Department’s use of its HEROES Act authority to do exactly that hardly represents a “transformative expansion” or “radical or fundamental change” in its power. West Virginia, 142 S. Ct. at 2609-10.... [Emphasis added]

This presents an opportunity for Chief Justice John Roberts to find a middle ground majority within the court for narrower rulings, as he has tried to do in the past, most notably in sustaining the Affordable Care Act by determining that Congress was properly using its power to tax when it established penalties against the uninsured.  Here, the question is much easier:  the HEROES Act aside, the Secretary of Education already has explicit statutory powers to cancel student loans.  Thus, this is the perfect opportunity for the court to put guard rails around its sweeping West Virginia decision.  

It should not be lost on anyone that dragging out this lawsuit also hurts the federal treasury.  The sooner it is resolved for borrowers, the sooner a majority of borrowers go back into loan repayment, many with more manageable debt that facilitates repayment, and the sooner borrower accounts can be closed if their balances are within the cancellation targeting limits. The longer it drags out, the more unmanageable the student loan program becomes and the more inequities arise.  Why should a repayment pause extension, to accommodate the Nebraska lawsuit, benefit higher income borrowers at the expense those who are victims of appallingly bad loan servicing and debt traps, and who badly need immediate remediation?  

Nebraska Governor-elect Jim Pillen is being left with many messes on his hands by his predecessor, not the least of which is a weakened economy that needs student loan cancellations to turn it around.  Moreover, without the cancellations, many borrowers will be leaving the state to seek better opportunities elsewhere, despite Pillen's rhetoric about keeping more Nebraskans at home.  Why stay in Nebraska, where water is increasingly poisoned by nitrates, where opposition to immigrants is holding back industry, where state government has become an instrument of one monied family, and where the attorney general spends his time looking for divisive, counterproductive lawsuits to join or to lead, like Nebraska v. Biden.   

Governor-elect Jim Pillen and Attorney General-elect Mike Hilgers should huddle and resolve to look for multiple-win opportunities in litigation.  Dropping the opposition to student loan cancellations would be a win for the Nebraska economy, for aggrieved borrowers, for equity, and for the federal treasury.  Seldom do any two Nebraskans have the chance to make such a positive contribution to the state and to the whole country.  

They should announce now that they will drop the lawsuit.