Questions and Answers about TCSLS

February, 2026

Washington — Questions and Answers about the Taxpayers' Choice Student Loan Solution (see previous post about a new alternative), with assistance from AI:

Q: Would this amendment interfere with the main purpose of S.3761, which is to provide alternative loans given the federal cutbacks to Grad PLUS and Parent PLUS?

A:  No. The amendment is complementary, not competitive, and actually provides the financial foundation for the main purpose of S.3761. While S.3761 aims to help states fill the gap left by federal PLUS loan cutbacks, this amendment ensures those state agencies have the "balance sheet health" and "market trust" to do so effectively. This amendment does not interfere with S.3761; it acts as the financial engine that makes it possible. By clearing out the "zombie" debt of the past, we restore the credit of families and provide state agencies with the market scale they need to offer better, cheaper alternative loans for the future.

Q: Why would congressional Democrats support this amendment?

A: Democrats would support this because it provides real debt relief to the people who need it most, fixes a broken servicing system, and stimulates the local economy—all while using a legally solid, bipartisan plan that doesn't cost the taxpayer a dime.

Q: Why would congressional Republicans support this amendment?

A: Republicans would support this because it cleans up the government’s balance sheet, stops the waste of tax dollars on expensive administrative fees, and uses efficiency to fix a system they believe the federal government is currently failing to manage.

Q: Does this amendment rely on dynamic scoring or fair-market scoring and, if not, why does it use FCRA scoring?

A: The Taxpayers’ Choice Student Loan Solution does not rely on either Fair-Market or dynamic scoring. Instead, it stays strictly within the established Federal Credit Reform Act (FCRA) framework to ensure it is legally and budgetarily "no-cost" to the government. Under the Higher Education Act (Section 459A), the Secretary of Education is only authorized to sell loans if the sale results in "no net cost" as measured by the government’s own accounting rules. Since the federal budget is legally mandated to use FCRA, the sale must use FCRA to be authorized.  FCRA calculates the value of a loan based on the present value of the money the government expects to collect. By selling the loan at this "Book Value," the government receives 100% of its projected revenue immediately in cash, which the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) records as a deficit-neutral event.  Unlike "Fair-Market" scoring, which focuses on investor risk, the FCRA approach allows the government to subtract the discretionary servicing fees (the $3–$4 per month paid to private contractors) from the loan's cost. This "Administrative Offset" makes the sale mathematically profitable for the Treasury without needing to predict complex secondary economic growth (dynamic scoring). Using FCRA allows the government to value the loans based on its own cost of funds, which is much closer to the low-cost, tax-exempt rates used by the state entities buying them.  Dynamic scoring (predicting future tax revenue from borrowers) is often dismissed by budget hawks as "speculative." By using FCRA, the amendment relies on hard cash flow data, making it much harder for skeptics to challenge the "no-cost" certification. By sticking to FCRA, the amendment uses the government’s own math to prove that selling "zombie" debt to the states is a better deal for the taxpayer than keeping it on the federal books for 30 years.

Q: What is GAO likely to think of this amendment?


A: The GAO is likely to view this amendment as a high-potential "structural correction" to a dysfunctional system, provided the Integrity Standards are strictly enforced. The GAO has repeatedly flagged "significant deficiencies" in how the federal government estimates the value of student loans. The GAO has criticized the high cost and poor oversight of federal private contractors. They would likely find the "Administrative Offset" (subtracting servicing fees from the sale price) to be a logically sound way to reflect the true "cost of ownership" to the taxpayer. The GAO would likely view the Federal Integrity Standards as essential safeguards to prevent the kind of "servicer mismanagement" they have documented in previous federal contracts.

Q:  What is CBO likely to think of this amendment?

The CBO is likely to view this amendment as a fiscally advantageous "de-risking" of the federal balance sheet, provided the statutory language successfully bridges the "mandatory-discretionary" divide. Based on their 2025-2026 baseline projections, here is how the CBO would likely score the proposal: CBO has recently lowered the "value" of the federal portfolio due to higher-than-expected defaults and the costs of the RAP plan. They would likely find that selling these "zombie" assets for immediate cash—even at a discount—is a net gain compared to waiting 30 years for uncertain recoveries. If the amendment explicitly directs CBO to include the discretionary savings (the $3–$4 monthly fees currently paid to private contractors), the CBO would likely score the sale as a deficit-reducing event. They would see the federal government "firing the servicer" as a permanent reduction in projected federal outlays. Because the state entity pays the federal government the full FCRA Book Value upfront, the CBO would likely remain "neutral" on what the state does with the debt afterward. Whether the state cancels the debt via the Principal-First Audit or holds it, the federal "score" is already settled at the moment of the sale. While CBO often provides "Fair-Value" estimates for informational purposes, they are legally required to use FCRA for official scoring. They would likely find that this amendment perfectly aligns with the current Federal Credit Reform Act requirements. The Bottom Line: The CBO is likely to "score" this as a win for the taxpayer because it replaces a long-term, high-maintenance liability with an immediate cash infusion and a permanent reduction in federal administrative waste.

Q:  What would the Supreme Court think of this amendment if it reached them?

A:  The Supreme Court would likely view this amendment as a legally durable and constitutionally sound mechanism for student loan relief, as it directly addresses the "separation of powers" concerns that led the Court to strike down previous executive-led programs. In Biden v. Nebraska (2023), the Court ruled that the Secretary of Education lacked the authority to cancel debt because Congress had not provided a "clear statement" authorizing a program of such "staggering" economic and political significance.  The Difference: This amendment is that clear statement. Because it is a statutory asset sale explicitly authorized by an act of Congress (amending S.3761), it satisfies the Court's requirement that major policy shifts must rest with the legislative branch, not administrative agencies.  The Court historically respects the government's right to manage its own property and assets. By framing the transfer as a sale of federal assets to state entities under the Higher Education Act, the amendment follows established commercial and property law. This is a standard exercise of Congressional power over federal assets, making it much harder to challenge than the "waive or modify" interpretation used in previous years. The conservative majority on the Court often prioritizes the "sanctity of contract." By focusing on the Principal-First Audit, the amendment argues that the original financial contract has been fulfilled. It provides a form of restitution for documented servicing errors—a concept the Court recognizes in other areas of law—rather than a "blanket" forgiveness of all debt regardless of payment history.

Q:  Which state entities are likely not to qualify because of their records?

A:  Under the Federal Integrity Standards of the proposed S.3761 amendment, several major state and quasi-governmental entities are likely to be disqualified from purchasing federal loan portfolios due to recent history of administrative failures, federal sanctions, or consumer protection violations. The following entities are currently most likely to fail the required 36-month "clean record" audit.  MOHELA (Missouri Higher Education Loan Authority): As of February 2026, MOHELA remains under intense scrutiny. In late 2024 and early 2025, the Department of Education withheld payments and stopped awarding new accounts to MOHELA due to a massive backlog of Income-Driven Repayment (IDR) applications and failure to send timely billing statements to over 2.5 million borrowers. They also face ongoing lawsuits for allegedly failing to process promised discharges for students of predatory for-profit schools.  PHEAA (Pennsylvania Higher Education Assistance Agency) / AES: Despite the CFPB withdrawing a specific 2024 lawsuit in early 2025, PHEAA (operating as American Education Services) has faced multiple recent enforcement actions for illegally collecting on debts discharged in bankruptcy and failing to respond to borrower relief requests during the pandemic. A judge as recently as September 2025 barred them from collecting on thousands of private loans that borrowers claimed were discharged. Navient: While formerly a major federal servicer, Navient was effectively banned from federal student loan servicing by the CFPB in late 2024. The bureau ordered them to pay $120 million and prohibited them from most federal loan activities due to years of "steering" borrowers into more expensive repayment options. In the context of the Taxpayers' Choice Student Loan Solution, Navient is strictly excluded because it is a for-profit entity with a history of regulatory violations, whereas the program is designed exclusively for high-performing state-affiliated nonprofits.

Q:  Why would advocacy groups previously skeptical of selling loans from the federal portfolio support this amendment, and which groups would those most likely be?

A;  Advocacy groups that have historically fought against student loan sales would likely support this amendment because it transforms a "sale" into a mechanism for restitution and consumer protection. Why Their Skepticism Shifts to Support: Historically, these groups opposed sales because they feared aggressive private collections. This amendment flips that script: the primary legal mandate of the sale is to discharge debt for anyone who has paid their original principal, providing a "circuit breaker" for the interest-trap that disproportionately harms Black, Latino, and rural borrowers. The "Anti-Bad-Actor" Filter: By explicitly barring entities with poor records (like MOHELA or Navient) and for-profit corporations, the amendment addresses the "servicing nightmare" concern. It ensures only high-integrity, mission-driven nonprofits can touch the data. The inclusion of Section (g) provides a safety net that never existed in previous sales attempts. If a state fails to deliver the promised "Paid in Full" status, the federal government reclaims the loan, ensuring the borrower is never left worse off.  Fixing the "RAP" Trap: Advocacy groups recognize that under the 2026 Repayment Assistance Plan (RAP), many low-income borrowers face 30 years of interest accrual. They see this amendment as a faster, legally bulletproof "exit ramp" that bypasses the Supreme Court’s previous objections to executive-led cancellation.

Q: How would this amendment help address the problems with the Parent PLUS program as identified by Stephen Burd, Peter Granville, and Rachel Fishman?

A: The Taxpayers’ Choice Student Loan Solution addresses the intergenerational debt trap highlighted by experts like Stephen Burd, Peter Granville, and Rachel Fishman by providing a structural fix for Parent PLUS loans. It combats "infinite interest" and restores retirement security by enabling state-led buyouts that terminate Social Security garnishments and prioritize principal-first repayment, correcting what experts identify as predatory federal lending practices.

Q:  How does this amendment affect rural borrowers especially and what if a state does not have a qualified entity to provide loan cancellation?

A:  Rural borrowers are statistically more likely to have "some college, no degree" with small balances that have ballooned due to interest. The Principal-First Audit provides immediate relief to these borrowers who have often already repaid their original small "seed money" but remain credit-constrained. Agricultural Stability: For young farmers, high student debt is a primary barrier to securing USDA or Ag-lending equipment loans. Clearing the "zombie" interest from their credit reports immediately improves their Debt-to-Income (DTI) ratio, allowing them to invest in the machinery and land needed for rural productivity. The "Reciprocity Provision" (If a State Has No Qualified Entity):
To ensure that a borrower’s relief isn't dictated by a "geographic lottery," the amendment includes a National Reciprocity Clause.  The "Adoption" Model: If a state (e.g., Mississippi or West Virginia) does not have a "Certified" entity or its agency is disqualified due to a poor record (like MOHELA), a high-performing agency from another state—such as VSAC (VT), MEFA (MA), or RISLA (RI)—can "adopt" that state’s residents. This ensures that the economic stimulus is national. No rural borrower is left behind simply because their home state lacks the administrative infrastructure to manage the buyout. 

Q: How does this amendment affect veterans and borrowers who have been victims of school misconduct, particularly in the for-profit sector?

This amendment to S.3761 provides a critical "clean slate" for veterans and victims of school misconduct by leveraging state-led audits to automate relief that is often stalled in the federal bureaucracy.  Veterans are frequently targeted by predatory for-profit colleges seeking to capture their GI Bill funds, often leaving them with "worthless" degrees and high-interest student loan debt. While the VA lacks the legal authority to restore GI Bill benefits after a school's fraud, this amendment allows state entities to use their "Relief Spread" to cancel the veteran's student loans immediately upon acquisition.  For veterans in default, the amendment terminates the federal offset program (which can seize tax refunds or military benefits), replacing it with a "Paid in Full" status that restores their credit for VA home loans. For those caught in the "Borrower Defense" backlog, the amendment transforms a multi-year waiting game into a 90-day execution.  Under the Federal Integrity Standards of the amendment, the state entity must identify any borrower whose school was subject to a federal misconduct finding and discharge their debt within 90 days. Many victims of for-profit schools have already paid back their original principal through years of involuntary collections. This amendment recognizes that their original financial obligation has been met and clears the remaining "fraud-inflated" interest.  For-profit schools are historically linked to higher interest accrual due to longer repayment timelines for their students.  Since Black and Latino veterans are statistically more likely to be recruited by predatory for-profit sectors, the Principal-First Audit acts as a targeted wealth-gap correction for these specific communities.

Q:  Why is TCSLS better than SAVE or RAP?

TCSLS outperforms alternatives like the SAVE plan or the OBBBA (RAP) in several critical areas: (1) Transparency and Simplicity: Unlike Income-Driven Repayment (IDR) plans that require 20–25 years of complex annual income recertification, TCSLS has a simple "finish line": once you've paid back what you borrowed, you're done. (2) Superior Credit Reporting: Most forgiveness programs result in a "Discharged" or "Forgiven" status. TCSLS specifically rewards the borrower with a "Paid in Full" status. This is the highest positive marker for future lenders (mortgages, etc.), whereas "Forgiven" can sometimes be viewed as a partial default or inability to pay. (3) Total Cost Savings: Even the SAVE plan, which subsidizes unpaid interest, still requires payments for up to 25 years. TCSLS allows borrowers to "buy their way out" early with lump sums, avoiding decades of payments. (4) Certainty vs. Policy Risk: Plans like SAVE are subject to legal challenges and administrative changes. TCSLS proposes to codify the discharge under Section 108(f) providing a permanent legal shield against the 2026 "tax bomb".  (6) The "Paid in Full" Incentive: By making a lump-sum payment to hit the principal cap, you trigger a "Closed - Paid in Full" status. Your Debt-to-Income (DTI) ratio will plummet, making you a much stronger candidate for major financing.

Q:  What are the provisions for state entities to cancel defaulted, truly uncollectible debt?

A: While the plan creates a rigid "Principal-First" mandate for active borrowers, it intentionally grants  entities the flexibility to clear their balance sheets of truly "dead" debt. Under the TCSLS framework, the state entity acts as a rational economic actor. Here is how they use that determination to handle uncollectible loans: The plan recognizes that some debt is truly uncollectible (due to death, permanent disability, or long-term poverty). TCSLS allows the entity to make a business determination to cancel these loans because keeping a "dead" file active costs the entity in servicing fees and regulatory oversight, because the entity bought the debt at a steep discount (e.g., 5–10 cents on the dollar), they can "write off" a portion of the portfolio and still remain highly profitable on the accounts where they do recover the principal, and because itt allows the state to stop reporting "zombie" assets that will never be realized, providing a more accurate picture of the state’s financial health.  The entity can determine that a borrower meets "uncollectible" criteria and trigger a Section 108(f) discharge. This is a "mercy" move that is also a "smart business" move, as it removes a non-performing asset.  Whether the borrower pays the principal in full (getting a "Paid in Full" status) or the entity determines it is uncollectible (granting a TCSLS Discharge), the debt is legally terminated and the "zombie" interest is killed.

Q:  Couldn't Congress just authorize the Department of Education to apply the administrative offset savings to a no-cost determination and write off uncollectible debt to clean up its portfolio?

A:  Not really.  First, it's much harder for the federal government to write off student loan debt than it is to sell it to a state for write off as the new owner.  Second, the Trump administration has its own agenda that includes borrowers paying more under RAP, more garnishments and takings for defaulted loans, and historically more toleration of school and servicer misconduct (meaning less interest in restitution).  However, the Trump administration has expressed interest in sales from its portfolio. 

Q: Does TCSLS provide debt resolution for student loan borrowers that compensates for the their being largely shut out of bankruptcy courts?

Yes. The Taxpayers’ Choice Student Loan Solution (TCSLS) is specifically designed as a non-judicial alternative to bankruptcy, providing the "fresh start" that student loan borrowers are currently denied in the court system.  In bankruptcy, a debtor's obligations are discharged to provide a sustainable path forward. The TCSLS mirrors this by declaring that once the original principal is recovered, the "zombie" interest—which often makes student debt nondischargeable in practice—is legally canceled.
While bankruptcy requires proving "undue hardship" (a notoriously difficult legal standard), the TCSLS gives state entities the authority to determine if a loan is "uncollectible." This allows the entity to write off debt based on economic reality rather than forcing the borrower through an expensive and often failing court battle.  A bankruptcy filing remains a severe negative mark for 7 to 10 years. In contrast, the TCSLS rewards those who settle their principal with a "Paid in Full" status. This is the "gold standard" for credit reporting, allowing borrowers to rebuild their financial lives—and qualify for mortgages—far faster than a bankruptcy discharge would allow.  Importanrly, the TCSLS codifies the discharge under Section 108(f). This ensures that when a borrower reaches their principal-payoff goal or an entity writes off an uncollectible loan, the borrower is protected from the 2026 "tax bomb." This provides the same tax-neutral benefit as a bankruptcy discharge without the legal stigma.

Q:  What are the political advantages of the TCSLS plan in the current environment?

A:  In the current 2026 political climate, the Taxpayers’ Choice Student Loan Solution (TCSLS) offers a unique "middle-path" that addresses the core grievances of both parties.

1. The "Fairness" Argument (Bipartisan Appeal) and Fiscal Responsibility: Unlike broad forgiveness, this plan ensures the government is fully reimbursed for the original amount lent. This appeals to conservatives by framing the solution as taxpayer recovery rather than a "handout."
Borrower Relief: It eliminates the "interest trap" and negative amortization, a primary demand of progressives. By capping total payments at the original principal, it ends the phenomenon of borrowers paying for decades and still owing more than they borrowed.

2. Defusing the "Tax Bomb":  By codifying the discharge under Section 108(f), the plan removes the political liability of the 2026 tax expiration. Politicians can offer "tax-free" relief without needing to repeatedly pass temporary extensions of the American Rescue Plan tax exemptions.

3. Economic Mobility & Credit Health:  The "Paid in Full" status is a powerful political "win." It moves millions of voters from "indebted" to "homebuyer-ready" by improving Debt-to-Income (DTI) ratios. This frames the plan as a pro-growth, pro-housing policy rather than just a debt policy.

4. Administrative Simplicity:  Unlike the complex SAVE or IDR plans that require annual income recertification and face constant legal challenges, the TCSLS is a "set it and forget it" model. It reduces the administrative burden on the Department of Education, making it a "common-sense" reform for voters tired of complexity.

 

The Taxpayers' Choice Student Loan Solution

February, 2026

Washington — This post, prepared with the help and in the style of AI, outlines a structural, bipartisan solution to the student loan "zombie debt" trap currently stalling the 2026 housing market and contributing significantly to the economy's affordability doldrums. By amending S.3761 (The Student Loan Bond Expansion Act, to raise the volume cap on such bonds), we can authorize a deficit-neutral transfer of federal student loans to state entities for immediate, principal-based loan discharge.  The results will be remarkable, exceeding in fairness and effect any such previous effort.   

The actual amendment appears at the bottom of this post. Readers are encouraged to read a Q and A post following this one for more explanation.   

The "Taxpayers' Choice Student Loan Solution"

The current federal student loan portfolio is haunted by "zombie debt"—accounts that are either non-performing or trapped in "permanent debt" cycles due to decades of compounding interest and servicer misconduct. Under the 2026 Repayment Assistance Plan (RAP), these loans face a 30-year collection tail that creates a massive administrative drag on the Treasury.

The solution isn't another executive order destined for the Supreme Court. It is a statutory asset sale that empowers state authorities across the country—from Vermont (VSAC), Massachusetts (MEFA), and Rhode Island (RISLA) to Texas (Trellis), Georgia (GSFC), and others—to buy this debt and clear it for their residents.

The Amendment: S.3761 "Portfolio Optimization"

The proposed bipartisan amendment to S.3761 creates a high-integrity bridge between federal fiscal needs and state economic growth. Here are the core pillars:

1. The "No-Cost" FCRA Math

To satisfy fiscal hawks, the sale is scored under the Federal Credit Reform Act (FCRA).
The Efficiency Gain: The federal government currently pays private contractors $3.00–$4.00 per month to service "zombie" accounts.
The Bid: States buy these loans at their Book Value minus these administrative savings. By using low-cost, tax-exempt bonds, states can buy "zombie" federal loans at their actual discounted value and stop the drain of expensive government servicing fees. Because the state’s borrowing cost is so much lower than federal student and parent loan interest rates, they can use that "interest spread" to cancel the remaining balances for borrowers at zero net cost to the taxpayer.
The Result: The Treasury receives immediate cash equal to the "expected recovery," while the "discretionary" cost of servicing is wiped off the federal books. It is a net win for the deficit.

2. Restitution via the "Principal-First" Audit

This is the heart of the proposal. It addresses the moral hazard question while providing justice to those victimized by past servicing failures.
The Rule: Any borrower who has already paid back 100% of their original principal receives an immediate discharge of their remaining interest-inflated balance.
The Justification: This recognizes that interest-heavy structures and "forbearance steering" have artificially ballooned balances. If you returned the taxpayer money, your moral and financial obligation is fulfilled.

3. Federal Integrity Standards

To prevent the errors of the past, only "Certified" state entities with clean regulatory records can participate. 
The Oversight: If a state entity fails to provide the "Paid in Full" status within 90 days of purchase, Federal Integrity Standards trigger a mandatory reversion: the loans return to federal control, the state is fined, and the borrower is held harmless.

Why This Works: Bipartisan Economic Velocity

The Taxpayers' Choice Student Loan Solution avoids political gridlock by focusing on market efficiency and localized stimulus:  
For the Housing Market: Clearing these balances immediately fixes Debt-to-Income (DTI) ratios. It turns thousands of "debt-constrained" renters into qualified homebuyers overnight, specifically helping those most impacted by interest compounding.
For the States: It reverses "brain drain." States can use their bond-market spread (the difference between their 3.85% tax-exempt rate and the 7% federal rate) to offer residency-based credits, keeping essential workers in-state.
For Federal Taxpayers: It stops the bleed of federal funds to private collection agencies and cleans up a $1.7 trillion balance sheet that has become unmanageable.

Legal and Structural Integrity

Constitutional Durability: This approach does not run afoul of the Supreme Court's "Major Questions Doctrine." Unlike previous attempts at mass cancellation via executive interpretation, this model relies on explicit Congressional authorization through the amendment of a statute. By providing a "clear statement" from the legislative branch, it fulfills the Court's requirement that major policy shifts be enacted by the people’s representatives, not administrative agencies.
Eliminating Private-Sector Profit: Crucially, this solution involves no part of the for-profit student loan industry. The transfer is strictly from the federal government to state-affiliated nonprofit authorities. By utilizing tax-exempt municipal bonds rather than private equity or commercial banks, the financial benefit of the low interest rates is passed directly to the borrower in the form of debt discharge, rather than being captured as corporate profit.

National Reciprocity: No State Left Behind

What about states without a high-capacity agency? The amendment includes a Reciprocity Clause. If a state doesn't have an eligible entity, a high-performing agency from a reciprocating state can "adopt" those residents. Whether you are in Mississippi, Ohio, Maryland, or Utah, your path to a "Fresh Start" isn't dictated by a geographic lottery.

A Remarkable Economic Engine

The scale of this solution is unprecedented. Projections suggest this "Principal-First" audit could impact nearly 10 million borrowers who have spent a decade or more in the system, returning 100% of their original principal but remaining "debt-trapped" by interest. This model is targeted at the demographics most harmed by the "interest ballooning" of the last 20 years.  Because Black and Latino borrowers statistically face higher interest accrual due to lower family wealth and longer repayment timelines, this "Principal-First" solution provides restitution where it is needed most. The economic impact is profound: clearing these interest-heavy balances would inject an estimated $80 billion to $100 billion in immediate purchasing power into the national economy. By resetting credit scores and fixing Debt-to-Income (DTI) ratios, we effectively unlock a "frozen" generation of homebuyers, sparking a localized housing boom that generates new property tax revenue and stimulates billions in secondary spending on construction, retail, and local services.

The "No-Loss" Guarantee for Borrowers

As a matter of federal law under this proposal, any state entity acquiring a federal loan is contractually and legally obligated to honor all existing Title IV borrower protections, including Public Service Loan Forgiveness (PSLF) accrual, Income-Driven Repayment (IDR) pathways, restitution for servicer misconduct, and discharge rights for disability or school misconduct.  This ensures that the move to a state-managed "Principal-First" audit is an additive benefit: borrowers retain every federal protection they currently have while gaining a faster, interest-free path to a "Paid in Full" status funded by the state's bond-market efficiency.

Improvements for the Direct Loan Program

This strategy strengthens the federal system by offloading "zombie" accounts, instantly stopping the drain of expensive monthly servicing fees for loans the government has already failed to collect. By selling these matured assets at their internal book value, the Department of Education cleans its balance sheet and improves portfolio transparency without any disruption to the issuance of new Direct Loans via the FAFSA. By offloading these high-maintenance "zombie" accounts, the federal government can reinvest the billions saved in administrative servicing fees directly back into the Direct Loan program. These savings provide the fiscal space for Congress to lower borrower costs—such as eliminating the 1% to 4% origination fees—and to fund higher-quality, high-tech servicing for the next generation of students.

The Bottom Line

This approach recognizes that when a debt has been fulfilled, the borrower—and the economy—should be set free. By aligning the statutory authority to sell with the state capacity to buy, we can restore the American social contract and strengthen the housing market, one "Paid in Full" letter at a time.

Here is the formal legislative text of the Taxpayers' Choice Student Loan Solution amendment. This version is ready for the Congressional Record, incorporating the "Principal-First" restitution mandate, the federal integrity safeguards, and the interstate reciprocity provisions.

AMENDMENT TO S.3761
OFFERED BY [REPRESENTATIVE/SENATOR]
In the appropriate place in the bill, insert the following:
SEC. ___. FEDERAL-STATE STUDENT LOAN PORTFOLIO OPTIMIZATION.
(a) AUTHORIZATION OF PORTFOLIO SALES.—Notwithstanding any other provision of law, the Secretary of Education (referred to in this section as the ‘Secretary’) is authorized to sell and transfer all legal title of specific federal student loan portfolios to an Eligible State Entity.
(b) ELIGIBLE STATE ENTITY DEFINED.—For the purposes of this section, an ‘Eligible State Entity’ is a state-affiliated non-profit authority or state agency that meets the following Federal Integrity Standards:
  1. AUDIT COMPLIANCE.—The entity has not been subject to a Final Audit Determination by the Department of Education’s Office of Inspector General (OIG) for material non-compliance in loan servicing within the preceding 36 months.
  2. CONSUMER PROTECTION.—The entity is not currently subject to a federal or state consent decree or settlement exceeding $1,000,000 related to unfair or deceptive student loan servicing practices.
  3. BOND CAPACITY.—The entity utilizes proceeds from Qualified Student Loan Bonds (QSLBs), as expanded under this Act, to fund the acquisition.
(c) STATE RECIPROCITY AND RESIDENT ACCESS.
  1. AUTHORIZATION TO SERVE OUT-OF-STATE RESIDENTS.—In the event a State does not possess an Eligible State Entity, or its designated entity elects not to participate, an Eligible State Entity from another State may purchase the federal loan portfolios of residents in that State.
  2. INTERSTATE COMPACTS.—The Secretary shall facilitate interstate agreements to ensure that Reciprocity Entities provide the same "Principal-First" discharges and interest-rate freezes to out-of-state residents as they provide to their own residents.
(d) VALUATION AND NO-COST CERTIFICATION.
  1. FCRA ACCOUNTING.—The Secretary shall certify that any sale under this section results in ‘No Net Cost’ to the Federal Government as measured by the Net Present Value of future cash flows under the Federal Credit Reform Act of 1990 (FCRA).
  2. ADMINISTRATIVE OFFSET.—In calculating the FCRA Book Value, the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) and the Secretary shall subtract the projected Administrative Servicing and Collection Costs (calculated at a minimum of $3.00 per account, per month) that would have been incurred by the Federal Government over the remaining life of the loans.
(e) THE BORROWER BILL OF RIGHTS AND RESTITUTION MANDATE.—As a condition of purchase, an Eligible State Entity must contractually agree to:
  1. PRINCIPAL-FIRST DISCHARGE.—The Entity shall conduct a Financial Fulfillment Audit. If the total lifetime payments made by a borrower (including interest and fees) equal or exceed 100 percent of the original principal disbursed, the Entity shall discharge the remaining balance in full within 90 days. This serves as restitution for documented historical servicing failures and interest-only cycles.
  2. INTEREST ACCRUAL FREEZE.—Upon acquisition, all interest accrual on the acquired loans shall cease permanently.
  3. CREDIT AMNESTY.—Any loan discharged shall be reported to national credit bureaus as ‘Paid in Full / Account Closed’ to ensure maximum Debt-to-Income (DTI) recovery for the borrower.
(f) TAX TREATMENT.—Any discharge of indebtedness under this section shall be deemed a Qualified Student Loan Discharge under Section 108(f) of the Internal Revenue Code and shall be excluded from the borrower’s gross income for federal and state tax purposes.
(g) FEDERAL OVERSIGHT AND REVERSION.
  1. COMPLIANCE AUDIT.—The Secretary, in coordination with the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), shall conduct a compliance review 120 days after any portfolio transfer.
  2. MANDATORY REVERSION.—If the Secretary determines that an Eligible State Entity has failed to implement the Principal-First Discharge Mandate within the 90-day window, legal title to the affected loan portfolio shall immediately revert to the Secretary of Education, and the State Entity shall be liable for the return of all federal acquisition funds.

The Incredible Destruction of Families in the Civil War

February, 2026

Washington —  After helping to win American independence from the British, often heroically as described in a previous post, what kinds of lives did our Virginia ancestors and their offspring pursue?  What happened to the Smith, Eastham, Strother, Hull, Simmons, Hoover, and Wimer families?

It is not a story easily told.  Several of our families fractured and later fought on opposite sides of the Civil War. Several survivors eventually left for Kansas, Missouri, and Nebraska, driven out under judicial and economic pressures.  

After victory over the British, Virginia soldiers received government rewards of land in the state's interior and its mountains.  Veterans who accumulated large tracts of land acquired enslaved people to clear and farm the properties.  All of the individuals identified in the earlier blog post, or their direct descendants, became slaveholders, if they weren't already.

John Smith's sons, led by Abraham, amassed land in several counties, including Pendleton (formerly Augusta) County around Smith Creek, a tributary of the South Branch of the Potomac.  They farmed the properties with slaves inherited from their father.  The Wimer family expanded along the North Fork of the South Branch, near Strother, Simmons, Hull, and Hoover properties, all with the labor of enslaved people combined with that of their own families.  Peter Hull was the largest slaveholder in the area. 

There was, however, inner warfare and resistance within the households of the Virginia gentry, even among families who considered themselves benevolent enslavers. In Rockingham County, Abraham's brother Daniel Smith's coffee was poisoned by his slave Charlotte.  He survived; she was arrested, tried, and executed.  

Within two generations, the steep hillsides of the North Fork were increasingly difficult to farm due to soil exhaustion and erosion. Part of the Wimer and Zickafoose (Hull line) families moved in a chain migration to better soils in Ohio, without slaves.  Francis Strother, son of Anthony, moved to Indiana, while Francis's son Nathaniel remained in Pendleton County and spelled his name Strawder.  

These relocations set up cousin-against-cousin, uncle-against-nephew, and even brother-against-brother conflicts in the Civil War.  

Francis E. Strother of the Indiana Strothers fought for the Union with the 10th Indiana infantry at Chickamauga.  Nathaniel Strother's son Isaac Strawder fought for the Confederacy with the 62nd Mounted Infantry (Imboden's Brigade) in the Shenandoah Valley and at New Market.  Henry and Elias C. Zickafoose of Ohio fought for the Union with the 83rd Infantry, while their half-brother Sampson Zickafoose of Pendleton County fought in the 46th Virginia Infantry.  Sampson died of disease in 1863, as did Elias in 1865. Ohio Wimers fought for the Union while their Wimer cousins Ephraim, Jacob, and Aaron (and probably Peter B.) fought in the 62nd Virginia Mounted Infantry.  Ephraim was a prisoner of war at Camp Chase, Ohio. 

Family members faced off against each other at least twice on Civil War battlefields. At the 1864 Battle of Lynchburg, private Isaac Strawder's Confederate forces under Jubal Early prevailed over Union General Hunter's army, whose chief of staff was David Hunter Strother, also known famously as Porte Crayon.  But Porte Crayon succeeded in burning VMI for its role in teaching treason, as he described it. Isaac Strawder's Company B, 62nd Mounted Infantry's victorious captain was Immanuel Hull, a descendant of Peter Hull of the Revolutionary War.  

The most consequential Civil War engagement involving our families was the Red River campaign in the western theater in 1864, where Henry and Elias C. Zickafoose, fighting under Union general Nathaniel Banks, faced Confederate general Richard Strother Taylor, son of Zachary Taylor, cousin of Porte Crayon, and at one time the largest slaveholder in Louisiana (but admired by Frederick Law Olmsted for the way he ran his plantation).  The Battle of Mansfield was won by the Confederates, but the next day's Battle of Pleasant Hill saw a recovery by the Union to allow its forces to retreat.  These were exceptionally bloody battles that caused leadership changes: Ulysses Grant relieved Nathaniel Banks and Confederate general Kirby Smith reassigned Taylor's forces, weakening Taylor's strategic position.

A year later, Henry Zickafoose's 83rd Indiana infantry stood by near Citronelle, Mississippi, when Richard Strother Taylor surrendered, a few days after Lee's surrender at Appomattox, to end the Civil War.  (Notably, Taylor declined the Union band's playing of "Dixie," wanting to get on to reuniting the nation.) Henry's brother Elias C. Zickafoose had died a few weeks before, and is buried at the U.S. National Cemetery in Natchez.  

Meanwhile, back in 1850 Peter B. Wimer, son of Philip Wimer, Jr. and Mary Ann Hoover, had married Sarah Strother in Pendleton County.  They became, in 1860, the parents of Susan Wimer, who later married William Clark Zickafoose, son of Sampson Zickafoose. Little did they know what lay ahead. 

After the war, Peter B. and other Confederate veterans were sued for restitution for their roles in fierce intra-Pendleton fighting between the Dixie Boys and the Swamp Dragons.  After Sarah Strother died in 1875, he married Catherine Kile and moved in the following decade to Nebraska.  They were followed by his Wimer/Strother daughter Susan, her Zickafoose/Hull husband, and their child, my grandmother Ressie Mae Zicafoose, born on Dry Run, Pendleton County, in 1884.   

In the early 1890s, Peter B., surrounded by Union-veteran farmers in Nebraska, moved to Barton County, Missouri, a nest of Confederate veterans.  Isaac Strawder left Pendleton County even earlier, moved to Kansas and died there in 1869.  His wife Lucinda Wimer and their son Isaac Newton Strawder moved to Nebraska thereafter, eventually near the Zicafooses in Lancaster County. 

William Clark and Susan Wimer Zicafoose moved to Nebraska's Red Willow County early in the 20th century and the Strawders moved to nearby Lincoln County.  In 1930 Ben and Mae Zicafoose Oberg traveled to the Strawder home near Wallace and spent several days with them.  An Isaac Strawder descendant still lives in Lancaster County.  

Cousins Richard Strother Taylor and David Hunter 'Porte Crayon' Strother, both gifted writers, left behind the two best book accounts of the incredibly destructive Civil War, as written by Confederate and Union generals, respectively.  Once close cousins, they never reconciled.  

For decades, the stories of these Virginia families have been lost to history, at least among us in Nebraska, and we would be wise to take note of them.    





 

Say No to Bait and Switch

February, 2026

Lincoln — Today's Lincoln JournalStar features a letter to the editor regarding the Nebraska Environmental Trust that all Nebraskans should read and heed.  Here it is:

I love a quiet morning fishing with a pole, bobber and a nightcrawler. But at the Capitol, I'm seeing a different kind of angling — one that threatens conservation across Nebraska.

LB1072 is a bait and switch. Sections 124 and 125 would divert more than $40 million from the Nebraska Environmental Trust — funds meant for habitat restoration, clean water, wildlife conservation and community projects. Supporters claim it strengthens conservation, but it simply replaces withdrawn state dollars with trust dollars. LB1072 provides state agencies with funds that were never meant to be theirs, leaving local groups and community partners with fewer resources.

For nearly 30 years, the trust worked as voters designed it: independent, competitive and guided by citizen oversight. But political pressure has chipped away at that model, making the trust an easy target — especially after major tax cuts reduced general fund revenue.

That's why LR298CA matters. It would protect the trust's mission, independence and competitive grant structure by placing them in the state constitution.

Let's keep the trust true to its purpose and stop this legislative snag before it steals the whole stringer. Contact your state senator and urge them to oppose LB1072 and support LR298CA.

Dr. Russell Souchek, president,
Nebraska Wildlife Federation, Seward

LB 1072 is the worst kind of bait and switch bill. It is beneath the dignity of the state to enact it.  Thanks to Dr. Souchek for pointing this out. 

Many years ago I was director of administrative services for the State of Nebraska, required by bond and by oath to uphold the state constitution and its statutes.  I would never transfer funds or approve expenditures from the Nebraska Environmental Trust for purposes other than those for which it was created by voters in 1992 and 2004.



 

Senators Who Might Create an Independent Caucus

February, 2026

Washington — It was heartening yesterday to hear Robert Kagan, former Republican and current writer at The Atlantic, note that four Senate Republicans have it in their power to preserve American democracy.

"I would like to think that some Republicans - it only takes four in the Senate - might stand up for democracy and preserving the American system...."

This corresponds with my previous blog post, the most common response to which has been: who might they be?

One possible group of four Republicans would be those not running for re-election who could register and caucus as independent for the remainder of 2026, namely Senators Tillis, Ernst, McConnell, and Lummis, all of whom have been attacked by the president to one degree or another. They could be joined by four Democrats not running, namely Senators Smith, Durbin, Shaheen, and Peters, to form an independent caucus to vote as a group on questions of checks and balances.  (Noted: Senators King and Sanders are already independent.)

Another possible group could be eight women senators, four from each party, such as Ernst, Lummis, Murkowski, Collins, Shaheen, Smith, Rosen, and Cortez Masto.  Each has demonstrated an independent streak from time to time. They could be known henceforth as Eight Women Patriots Who Stepped Up to Save America, so to speak.  Others might want to join them.    

If an independent caucus of eight senators were now in place, it could be instrumental in asserting Congressional powers over ICE, currently much in dispute.  There is not a moment to lose.   


 

  

 

WANTED: Eight Patriots

January, 2026

Washington — Wanted:  Four Republican U.S. senators who will put their country and the institution of the Senate ahead of partisanship by changing their voter registration to independent.  Also wanted: Four Democratic senators who will simultaneously do the same, to form a new, unaffiliated, independent caucus of eight, so no party has a majority, and Senate actions for the remainder of this term will be bipartisan or nonpartisan.  

The purpose of the caucus will be to protect Article I powers from being eroded or destroyed by Article II powers, in the best tradition of our constitutional checks and balances.  The caucus of eight (or more) will work to make certain that the Senate's legislative exercise over the power of the purse, declaration of war, advice and consent in nominations, progress of science, ratification of treaties, control of commerce with foreign nations, and other constitutional powers are not ceded to the executive.  With the successful efforts of this caucus, no longer will party constriction be the instrument of dissolution of Congress.  No party on its own will have the necessary votes.  The Senate can get back to doing its job.  

An initial question will be whether members of what might be called the "Article I Caucus" retain their current committee assignments.  Precedent suggests they do, but if they don't it is not crucial to the caucus's success.  Those who join may be leaving the Senate anyway and are not looking to build up committee seniority. The same motivation might apply to senators whose committees have been losing meaningful work to Article II overreach. 

The public at large will applaud senators who put patriotism and allegiance to the Constitution ahead of party.  This is not a close call.  The same process could be used in the House, to the same approbation.  

Those who follow the careers of individual senators and representatives closely will know that there are likely to be at least the requisite number of both Republicans and Democrats who would be willing to change their voter registration to independent and join an Article I Caucus — some with relish out of frustration with their parties; some out of pure patriotism; some because they need redemption from past actions for which they have not yet atoned.  

Article I's fate in 2026 must not be a repeat of 2025.  This is a way to make sure that it won't be. 

  

Commission a New Work for Arlington's Confederate Circle

December, 2025

Washington — The ugly memorial statue removed two years ago from the Confederate Circle of graves at Arlington National Cemetery is now, by order of the Secretary of Defense, to be re-installed where it was originally placed in 1914.  Its granite base is still intact.  But the order may be in violation of an act of Congress, so it is not clear what will happen next.  

The memorial is ugly only in the sense it seriously misrepresented the history of the Civil War, as it incorporated Lost Cause propaganda.  In other respects, it remains a remarkable work of art.  Descendants of the sculptor, Moses Ezekiel, would like it to be placed at VMI, which Ezekiel attended and where another work of his is located.  VMI has agreed.

The post-war idea of a Confederate Circle at Arlington was to promote reconciliation, in the same spirit that Lincoln pardoned Confederate soldiers at war's end.  A good solution to the current problem would be to commission a new statue to do just that, a work true to history with no misrepresentations and no political agenda.  

There is a moment in history that could be memorialized for the purpose.  In May of 1865, a month after Appomattox and soon after Lincoln's assassination, Union General Edward Canby met Confederate General Richard Taylor at Citronelle, a few miles north of Mobile, to formalize the end of the war for all remaining Confederate troops east of the Mississippi.  Their meeting was cordial.  Canby arranged a luncheon and brought a military band.  Taylor wrote of his objective for the occasion:

"We could only secure honorable interment for the remains of our cause."   

Note that Taylor was securing an honorable interment for the Confederate cause, just as the Confederate Circle honorably inters Confederate soldiers.  Then he recounted this remarkable story:

"The air of 'Hail Columbia', which the band in attendance struck up, was instantly changed by Canby's order to that of 'Dixie', but I insisted on the first, and expressed a hope that Columbia would be again a happy land..." — General Richard Taylor. 

When Taylor insisted on "Hail Columbia" instead of "Dixie", he did it in the hope of a reconciled, happy land.  Taylor was not simply a Confederate general, he was one of its best battlefield commanders, the son of Zachary Taylor and the brother-in-law of Jefferson Davis.  

His hope at that moment, and Canby's, is worthy of memorializing.   

If a commission for a statue of reconciliation were offered, it should provide an option for the artist to include a historically accurate portrayal of black people, as this was the major problem with the 1914 work. By General Taylor's own account, there were two black men able to provide motive power to a railway hand-car to transport him to the event at Citronelle.  They are potential subjects not only for historical accuracy but for symbolism.  Rather than depicting blacks sending soldiers off to war, as in the 1914 statue, these men transport a war-weary general toward making peace.  

A new statue dedicated entirely to reconciliation, leaving their ancestors to rest in peace, would please at least some, and perhaps many, descendants of the soldiers buried in the Confederate Circle.  As a direct descendant of Confederate veterans myself, I would welcome it, in any worthy medium.   

    

 

Ancestors in The American Revolution

December, 2025

Washington — A new twelve-hour documentary, "The American Revolution," is spellbinding. It continually invites viewers to ask deeper questions about the war, how it was fought, and by whom.  

That would be by our own ancestors.   The following list identifies several who served in the patriot cause, with research assistance from AI (in italics) when it corroborates family genealogical and other evidence from our Susan Wimer (1860-1941) ancestry line in the family tree.  She was born in Virginia before the Civil War and died in Red Willow County, Nebraska, where my father was born. 

After watching "The American Revolution," it is especially gratifying to learn more about ancestors who fought with Greene and Lafayette against the brutal Tarleton and prevailed over Cornwallis at Yorktown.  

John Smith 

John L. Smith (1698-1776), seventh great-grandfather, served as a British officer in the French and Indian War under George Washington. Captain Smith led the defense of Fort Vause in southwest Virginia in 1756 but was captured and later exchanged in Canada for French prisoners. 

Because John Smith was roughly 78 years old at the outbreak of the American Revolution, his role was primarily that of a political patriarch and a mobilizer, rather than a frontline combatant.  Despite his age and the physical toll of his prior two-year captivity in Canada and England, his final year was defined by a shift from being a British Crown officer to a committed Patriot. One of his most significant roles was in the political groundwork for independence.

In February 1775, the freeholders of Augusta County, Virginia, met in Staunton to draft what became known as the Augusta County Resolves. These resolves were among the first in the colonies to explicitly state a willingness to risk "life and fortune" to defend their rights against British tyranny.  As a senior "Gentleman Justice" and the former commander of the county militia, John Smith’s public support for these resolves was crucial in swaying the local population toward the Patriot cause. Though he was too old to lead a regiment into the field, he used his influence to organize the Augusta County Militia for the looming conflict.

He played a role in securing gunpowder and supplies for the local defense. In the early days of 1775–1776, the "Frontier Patriots" were terrified of a two-front war: the British from the East and British-aligned Indigenous tribes from the West.  He oversaw the transition of the militia from a Crown-aligned defense force to a Revolutionary one. This included ensuring that his sons were positioned in leadership roles within the newly formed Patriot militia.

Smith supported the election of delegates to the Virginia Conventions of 1775 and 1776. These conventions eventually instructed Virginia’s delegates to the Continental Congress to propose independence. His role was essentially that of a "Elder Statesman" of the Shenandoah Valley, providing the institutional weight necessary to make rebellion feel like a legitimate legal action rather than a lawless riot.

John Smith died in the summer of 1776, just as the Declaration of Independence was being signed. Because he died so early in the war, he is often credited with "Revolutionary Service" in lineage societies (like the DAR) primarily based on his Civil Service (Justice of the Peace) and his role in the 1775 Resolves.  

Robert Eastham

Sixth great-grandfather Robert Eastham (1706-1790) of Halifax County, Virginia, served as a colonel in the militia during the Revolutionary War, primarily in organizational and county-level defense roles rather than major field commands. He commanded Halifax County militia units, focusing on local security, recruitment, and supply efforts to support Continental forces in the Southern theater.

Eastham contributed to provisioning campaigns, including furnishing cattle and supplies for American troops under Lafayette and Greene in 1781. His company guarded against Loyalist threats and participated in regional mobilizations. 

Anthony Dabney Strother

Like all members of the Strother family, fifth grear-grandfather and son-in-law of Robert Eastham, Anthony Dabney Strother (1725-1816) served patriot causes.  His nephew Captain William Dabney Strother (1756-1781) was killed in the Battle of Guilford Courthouse against Cornwallis.  

The Battle of Guilford Courthouse was fought in three distinct "lines." Strother was an officer in the Continental Army (the Third Line).  Captain Strother served under his brother-in-law, Lt. Col. Richard Taylor, in the 2nd Virginia Regiment. The fighting reached the Third Line roughly 90 minutes to two hours into the battle (around 1:30 PM to 2:00 PM). While the first two lines (North Carolina and Virginia Militia) had slowed the British, the Third Line saw the most brutal, close-quarters fighting of the day. The Continentals faced a bayonet charge from the British 33rd Regiment and the Guards.  Given his rank and unit, Strother would have been killed during the intense hand-to-hand fighting.  Although the British won the battle, Cornwallis's losses were so heavy that he retreated to Yorktown.

Col. Richard Taylor and his wife Sarah Panhill Dabney Strother, Captain Strother's sister, became parents of Zachary Taylor (1784-1850), the future president. 


Peter Hull

Peter Hull (1733-1813), fifth grand-uncle, was born in Bad Kreuznach, Germany.  His father, Peter Thomas Hull, is a sixth great-grandfather and his sister, Catherine Hull Zickafoose, is a fifth great grandmother.

Captain Peter Hull led troops under General Lafayette during the Virginia Campaign in 1781. Hull commanded a troop of cavalry in the Augusta County militia and participated in the Yorktown campaign, which was part of Lafayette's overall military efforts during that year. His militia company was involved in actions such as pursuing British cavalry under Tarleton and fighting at key engagements in Virginia during Lafayette's campaign to contain Cornwallis and secure victory for the American cause. Records confirm Hull's leadership role in the Augusta County militia and his active service under Lafayette's command in the final phase of the Revolutionary War in Virginia.

Captain Hull fought in the Battle of Green Springs in Virginia in 1781. His company from the Augusta County militia was involved in this engagement, which was part of the attempts to repel British forces under Lieutenant Colonel Banastre Tarleton.

The Battle of Green Spring occurred on July 6, 1781, near Green Spring Plantation in James City County, Virginia. It was an ambush set by British forces under Earl Charles Cornwallis against American troops led by the Marquis de Lafayette. American advance units, commanded by Brigadier General "Mad" Anthony Wayne, were nearly trapped while attempting to harass the British rear guard during their crossing of the James River. The battle ended with an American retreat after a bold bayonet charge, but it delayed British movements and boosted American morale ahead of Yorktown.

Hull's company, along with other Augusta militia units, was positioned to contest the British baggage train and pickets, engaging in extended skirmishes that lasted nearly two hours. They fired on British officers and supported Wayne's riflemen in picking off enemy leaders before the main British assault with artillery and infantry. When the trap sprung around 5 p.m., Hull's men joined the bayonet charge to cover the retreat, abandoning some artillery but avoiding encirclement. No specific casualties for Hull's company are detailed, but overall American losses were about 140, including 28 killed, with the militia playing a key role in the escape.

Leonard Simmons

Leonard Simmons (1738-1808), fifth great-grandfather, was a private with Captain Hull's company.

Leonard Simmons of Augusta County militia was present at the Battle of Guilford Courthouse in 1781 as part of the Virginia militia forces serving under General Nathanael Greene and Lafayette. Muster rolls from Captain Peter Hull's company, to which Leonard Simmons belonged, list him as a private, indicating his participation in the militia forces at that battle.


In March 1781, militia companies from Augusta County assembled under commander Colonel Moffett and marched through Lynchburg, Virginia, to Guilford County, North Carolina, where they fought at the Battle of Guilford Courthouse alongside Lafayette’s forces. These Augusta County militia units were involved in engagements to block British movements and protect Virginia during Lafayette’s efforts to contain Cornwallis’ troops. Later, Augusta County militia companies joined the larger Continental Army under Washington for the Siege of Yorktown, the final decisive campaign in Virginia.


Henry Simmons 

Captain Henry Simmons (1760-1825), fourth great-grandfather, of Augusta, Highland, and Pendleton counties, Virginia, and son of Leonard Simmons, was attached to militia companies under various Virginia militia leaders, including Captain Peter Hull's company in Augusta County. He served in the Virginia militia which operated both locally and in coordination with Continental forces during the Revolutionary War. Militia units like his were often assigned to frontier defense, local security, and sometimes to larger campaigns such as those involving General Nathanael Greene's Southern campaign, although Simmons himself was primarily recorded in militia roles tied to Augusta County and surrounding areas. His unit would have been part of larger Virginia militia battalions mobilized for regional defense and engagement.

Michael Hoover

Michael Hoover (1753-1842), fourth great-grandfather, was a private in the Augusta county, Virginia, militia.  Private Hoover's service included expeditions against Native American forces on the Monongahela River and a drafted tour where he marched to Richmond, Virginia, to pursue Tories, capturing a few who surrendered their arms after about three weeks; he provided his own horse for this service.

Philip Wimer

Philip Wimer (1757-1839), fourth great-grandfather, born in Frankfurt, Germany, served in the Virginia Militia cavalry during the Revolutionary War, led by Captain Peter Hull of Augusta County. Philip Wimer was present at the Battle of Guilford Courthouse with Virginia militia forces on March 15, 1781, where he was likely in the Second Line of defense (see above).  He participated in the Siege of Yorktown in 1781, which was a decisive victory leading to the British surrender and American independence. Philip Wimer was originally sold into indentured servitude (on arrival in America in 1771) but after seven years joined the militia and fought on the Patriot side. 

The war deeds of these men, above, however praiseworthy, do not necessarily signify that they lived exemplary lives in other capacities and endeavors.  Many lived in tumult, judged by records left behind.  Their descendants' lives became intertwined, most notably when a John Smith descendant, Rebecca Phares, married a Robert Eastham and Anthony Strother descendant, Nathaniel Strother. Their daughter Sarah Strother married Philip Wimer descendant Peter B. Wimer, who moved to Nebraska and established a farm on the Agnew Road in Lancaster county, which soon became the home of daughter Susan Wimer and her husband William Clark Zicafoose, parents of my grandmother Ressie Mae Zicafoose Oberg.  To be continued.